Date rape and thesis statement

You then need to discover a limited topic that interests you and meets the requirements of the assignment.


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Click on the "Getting Started" diamond of the flow chart for step-by-step exercises that guide you to a limited topic. Finally you will need to decide on a specific idea or focus for your assignment. Below are several examples of general subjects and limited topics. You need to supply the specific focus. To do so, think about each limited topic.

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What specifically do you have to say about it? Use the links to find out about each topic. Remember that your focus should highlight a special part of the topic, express a specific feeling about it, or take a stand for or against it. Choose a specific focus for each limited topic and e-mail your answers to your instructor. E-mail your answers to your instructor and print a copy for yourself.

Your working thesis statement is the thesis you use to begin writing your essay.


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Finally, both models in practice tend to assume that a woman's willing participation in non-penetrative sexual activity is a reliable indicator of her consent to penetration for instance, Anderson points out that according to Schulhofer, an advocate of the Yes Model, a woman's engaging in heavy sexual petting typically indicates her affirmative willingness to have intercourse. This assumption, Anderson emphasizes, is not only often untrue but, in the age of AIDS, especially dangerous. This requirement of consultation before penetration distinguishes Anderson's approach from Pineau's, despite their shared emphasis on communication; in addition, Pineau's model retains an overall consent standard whereas Anderson abandons that standard.

Unless and until a relational context has been established that enables partners to interpret reliably each other's nonverbal behavior, the negotiation must be verbal. The negotiation model is gender-neutral, requiring that any person who initiates sexual penetration consult verbally with his or her partner of either gender to come to a mutual understanding of whether both parties want penetration to occur.

The negotiation model thus differs at least in spirit from even a version of the Yes Model that requires verbal consent, in that it emphasizes mutuality rather than a one-sided permission-seeking. It bears noting that successful rape prosecutions depend not only on how rape is legally defined but, at least equally importantly, on the general public's willingness to believe women's testimony rather than seeing them as lying or confused and to recognize particular encounters as instances of the applicable legal definition that is, to see this behavior as force, or this utterance as expressing nonconsent.

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The continuing prevalence of such rape-supportive beliefs can render even well-intentioned prosecutors unwilling to pursue legitimate cases, given the likelihood that juries will refuse to convict. Feminist theorists have often sought to articulate a more richly textured sense of rape's wrongness, and of its distinctive harms, than the law alone can provide. No doubt both the wrong and the harm of rape are complex and multifarious; these interpretive frames suggest emphases that may be illuminating in different contexts and for different purposes.

While this view has rarely been defended by feminist philosophers, it has been prominent in some feminist anti-rape public education and activism. One feminist theorist often claimed to have held this view is Susan Brownmiller ; see Cahill , Thus, in addition to challenging victim-blaming assumptions, feminists often emphasized rapists' non-sexual motivations, such as anger and the desire for dominance and control; on this view, the rapist is a violent criminal like other violent criminals, not just a guy seeking sex a bit too vigorously.

Similarly, this approach emphasizes that rape victims are real crime victims, not vaguely titillating people who had some overly rough sex and might just have liked it. Rape's sexual nature is central to understanding both its perpetrators' motivations and its effects on victims, not to mention the crime's broader social and ideological roots and consequences.

While perpetrators differ in their strongest occurrent motivations, it is important to ask why so many men who wish to harm or violate women do so in a sexual manner. Furthermore, some rapes do occur because a man wants to have sex, and perhaps would even prefer it if his partner consented, but is prepared to proceed without her consent.

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Furthermore, many rape survivors are damaged specifically in their sexuality, facing difficulties in their sexual relationships in the months and years following the rape. The violation of bodily and sexual autonomy is no doubt among rape's most central harms.

Thus, rape treats the victim not as a person but as an object, and one with a purely sexual function. It is not surprising, then, that many rape survivors describe feeling not only worthless, but also numb, absent, or deadened.

Why men rape

Some recent discussions emphasize that a full account of rape's harm must incorporate both its denial of victims' personhood and its intimate, sexual and bodily nature. The humiliation and shame often experienced by rape victims are predictable results of experiencing total subjugation and the intimate loss of control of one's body.

A distinctive set of harms enters the picture when, as is increasingly common, women and girls are violated while unconscious, often with pictures or videos taken and circulated. As Kelly Oliver points out, "lack of consent is valorized within popular culture to the point that sexual assault has become a spectator sport and creepshot entertainment on social media … sex with unconscious girls, especially accompanied by photographs as trophies, has become a goal of some boys and men" , In such cases, Oliver observes, "The trauma of victimization not only becomes public but also infinitely repeatable.

It can go viral. It doesn't go away" Cressida Heyes provides a phenomenological account of the devastating harms of raping an unconscious victim. Raping someone who is unconscious, Heyes contends,. The assumption that such rapes are less harmful than the rapes of conscious victims--since the rape itself is not directly experienced--is therefore badly mistaken, Heyes argues.

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The victim of unconscious rape, she points out, "struggles to feel safe lapsing into the one form of anonymity that is biologically and existentially necessary for human life, yet ultimately she will have no choice but to revisit this place over and over … no one can avoid going to sleep for very long" , Many rapes lead to additional harms beyond those intrinsic to the rape itself. Some rapes cause pregnancy or sexually transmitted diseases including HIV infection , and some rapists physically injure their victims.

Due to both low reporting levels and low conviction rates, relatively few victims see their rapists punished; many of those raped by relatives, co-workers, friends, or other ongoing acquaintances must then face continuing interaction with the rapist, while those raped by strangers often fear that the rapist will find and re-victimize them.

With or without these additional harms but especially with them , rape constitutes severe trauma. Undergoing trauma shatters the victim's most basic assumptions about herself and her safety in the world.

According to Brison, who survived a violent rape and attempted murder, trauma. With its profound effects on social connection, cognition, memory, and emotion, trauma disrupts the continuity of the self. To reconstitute the self in a new form, the survivor must construct a meaningful narrative that incorporates the trauma, but many survivors face obstacles in this endeavor such as disordered cognition, memory gaps, feelings of despair and futility, and the lack of an audience willing to hear, believe, and understand their story.

For many women, rape is not a one-time event; rather sexual violence and exploitation are, for at least some period of time, routine conditions of their lives. Such women experience female sexual slavery, defined by Barry as any situation in which. As Barry observes, such situations include battering relationships, most prostitution, and the sexual abuse of girl children, all of which are common around the world. It is thus important to consider the distinctive effects of such repeated and routine sexual trauma.

This diagnosis is intended to encompass various forms of humanly inflicted trauma, not only sexual trauma.

In light both of these numbers and of rape's broader ideological dynamics and social consequences, feminists have long contended that rape harms not only its individual victims, but also women as a class. Understanding how rape harms women as a group requires analyzing it not only as an individual act but also as an institution—that is, a structured social practice with distinct positions and roles, and with explicit or implicit rules that define who may or must do what under what circumstances Card Feminists have highlighted the ways in which the institution of rape reinforces the group-based subordination of women to men: for instance, by making women fearful, and by enforcing patriarchal dictates both about proper female behavior and about the conditions of male sexual entitlement to women's bodies.

Feminists have long claimed that, in patriarchal cultures, rape is not anomalous but paradigmatic—that it enacts and reinforces, rather than contradicting, widely shared cultural views about gender and sexuality. A core dynamic of patriarchal sexuality, on this view, is the normalizing and sexualizing of male or masculine control and dominance over females or the feminine.

One study of undetected, self-reported acquaintance rapists found that these individuals' propensity to rape was significantly related not only to their acceptance of rape myths and of traditional ideas about male and female sexuality, but also to their belief that male sexual aggression is normal Hinck and Thomas , Such beliefs have repeatedly been shown to play a role not only in men's self-reported likelihood of committing rape, but also in people's tendency to define rape more restrictively, and to attribute responsibility and blame to rape victims , Some have further contended that many rapes, being at least partially motivated by group-based animus as expressed in rape-supportive beliefs, should be categorized as hate crimes Wellman On this view, rape is a political practice by which spurious beliefs about gender and sexuality are expressed, inscribed, and enforced via the violation and control of women's bodies.

This underlying gender ideology helps to explain why, when men and boys are raped almost always by other males , they are often seen as having been feminized, treated like women and thus rendered shamefully woman-like. Many feminists have emphasized the role of rape in controlling women's behavior through fear. Card argues that rape is a terrorist institution, one which—despite its admitted differences from acts more normally labeled terrorism, such as bombing and hijacking—advances its political purpose, the continued subordination of women, by terrorizing a target population Like all terrorism, she contends, rape has two targets: the direct victims, who are seen as expendable, and the broader population to whom a message is sent, and who can then be manipulated by fear into complying with demands they would otherwise reject.

Even women who, because of their conformity to these rules, do not feel afraid of being raped have nonetheless, Card points out, been terrorized into compliance. A central element of rape as a terrorist institution, Card claims, is a protection racket in which men, as the group both creating the danger and proposing to deliver women from it, dole out protection—sometimes temporary, sometimes permanent, often illusory—in exchange for women's service, loyalty, and compliance.

Women who are not offered protection, or who decline it when offered, are then frequently blamed for being raped. Hence her duty to control, conceal, and monitor her body and its movements, so as not to bring disaster upon herself. By molding women both to femininity and to self-blame, the threat of rape thus systematically undermines women's capacity to resist not only rape itself, but various other elements of their oppression as well.

Rape's role in increasing the burden of fear in women's and girls' lives leads Burgess-Jackson to highlight it as an issue of distributive justice , He contends that the state's obligation to advance justice requires that it take steps to redistribute fear so that women no longer bear it as an unfair and disproportionate burden; furthermore, he claims, since men as a class are overwhelmingly the cause of women's fear, most or all of the costs of such redistribution should be borne by men. Rape is a tool not only of patriarchy, but also of racism, colonialism, nationalism, and other pernicious hierarchies.

These and other power relationships in turn make women and girls even more vulnerable to rape. In virtually any situation where women and girls belonging to especially desperate or powerless populations are at the mercy of men in authority—from female inmates and girls in foster care, to undocumented immigrants, to refugees dependent on U. In the United States, the racial dynamics of rape are shaped by a long history of white men raping their African-American female slaves. Because the women were chattel property, the owners and often overseers could and did use them sexually at will, with complete legal and social impunity.

Because children born of slave mothers were slaves, regardless of their paternity, many slave owners benefited from rape by producing more slaves for themselves.

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Roberts emphasizes, however, that. Slaves were frequently forced into undesired sexual liaisons with each other as well, based on the whims or the breeding plans of their owners. Collins points out, however, that unlike lynching, black women's sexual abuse by white men during and after slavery did not become a central or universally understood icon of American racism. Black women's unrapeability was not only written into law, but reinforced by a racial ideology that defined them as lascivious and promiscuous by nature.

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